Dozens of Beginnings

Let us put things in perspective on the current socio economy of Ethiopia. The below tweleve points tried to summerize them.

By Befkadu z.Hailu

1. Ethiopia’s history has had many shortcomings, with citizens suffering at the hands of their rulers. Ethiopian characters were neither sacred nor unclean. They did nothing for righteousness sake. They established a family dynasty. The provinces were at war with one another, and peace was restored. They did not feel obligated to provide peace, freedom, order, and development to their citizens.

In fact, he was considered by many to have been fortunate enough to have a king. When rulers came to power, they were treated as outcasts. The faith of the rulers is the faith of the kingdom. The rulers considered the people as their property and the land as their inheritance. The military dictatorship that replaced the monarchy is a system that drank the blood of its citizens in the name of national unity and endangered the territorial integrity of Ethiopians. The group, which claims to have fought against this dictatorship, was socialized, and instead of creating a just system, citizens were forced to work together on what they needed to share as citizens, rather than expanding their personal interests.

2. Nevertheless, Ethiopias history is evolving over time. Despite the ups and downs, the lives of all Ethiopians are improving. Better a poor horse than no horse at all. Better a poor horse than no horse at all. The dictator wants, at least in the form of dictatorship, a system in which the subjects are yellow and the audience is yellow.
3. Our history has many weeds, but it is improving. It must continue to improve and buy time.
4. Constitution, governmental and / or administrative systems and structures are “untouchable”. For the sake of justice, equality, freedom and dignity for human beings, they are revised, demolished, and so on. The only thing that matters in this case is to enable the residents to consider the needs and realities of the future when they are being reviewed, or demolished and worked on, and to enable the owners (people) of the case to actively participate and decide.
5. The Ethiopian constitution was drafted in the name of public rights, not by the consultation and approval of all parties, but by people with an ideological bias who would not mind if the freedom and dignity of individuals were violated. Therefore, it should be reviewed in a multi-faceted manner that is time-consuming, relevant to the majority, and approved by the majority. Today, Americans claim to be “leaders of a free world” and have revised their constitutions 27 times for the dignity and freedom of their citizens.
6. Ethiopian federalism believes that Ethiopia is a set of different histories, cultures and settlements; But he did not believe that these single groups were made up of different cultures, languages, and settlements. Ethiopian federalism, which strives to consolidate one language community into one state, is incompatible with human freedom; It is a prison of history, science, and modern human progress that treats administrative boundaries, social systems, and political philosophies as natural and permanent events. It must also be negotiated for the dignity and freedom of its citizens.
7. Ethiopian Federalism believes that Ethiopia is a set of different sets of history, culture and settlement; But he did not believe that these single groups were made up of different cultures, languages, and settlements. Ethiopian federalism, which strives to consolidate one language community into one state, is incompatible with human freedom; It is a prison of history, science, and modern human progress that treats administrative boundaries, social systems, and political philosophies as natural and permanent events. It must also be negotiated for the dignity and freedom of its citizens.
8. The question of nationalities, the question of self-government, and the question of secession are different questions.
9. The right of nationalities is to respect the freedom of communities of the same language and culture to enrich their language and culture, and to support its language and cultural development by providing legal, economic and political support when necessary.
10. The right to self-determination is not limited to one ethnic group. Self-government means that, regardless of whether they have a common identity, they are governed by the consensus, consensus, and laws of the masses, as well as by their elected leaders. There is no uniform community in any part of the world. All self-governing societies must protect and uphold the human liberties and dignity, as well as equitable representation, in language, culture, and religious diversity; These human freedoms and dignity cannot be revoked by law, politics or morality – they are natural. Neither individuals nor groups built the land on which they lived. They may not have special ownership rights. Therefore, they cannot be special.
11. The question of secession (some call it the “right”) is the question of forming a state. Many countries around the world are based on democratization, colonization, or war – not rights; Rights are individual, not group. Freedom of language and culture also goes from individuals to communities, not from groups to individuals. The question of secession is not a question of nationalities or a question of self-government; It is a question of nation building. Nationalism is not a nationalism. There are many different nationalities. There are also many nations. But there is not a single nation, There will always be some “others” who are less than they are, whether in language or culture.
12. Nationalism is the agenda of cities or mixed communities. Blackness is not just an identity in a predominantly black environment. It is a skin color. Similarly, Oromoness, Amharaness, Somaliism, etc. are not remembered by the Oromo, Amharas, Somalis, etc. in the countryside. But because of the interrelationships between cities and mixed settlements, linguistic and cultural differences will increase, and the perception and competition will increase. This creates nationalism. Most rural Ethiopians do not care much about their nationality, so they do not care much about nationalism. Governments or policies based on nationalist agendas do not benefit the non-national masses.